Tag Archives: William Edward Burghardt Du Bois

‘What might have been’: Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois and George Washington Carver (1896)

“Dear Mr Washington: I have been for some time seeking a leisure hour in which to answer your kind letter of the 17th January [1896]—but leisure hours are scarce here. I feel I should like the work at Tuskegee if I could be of service to you…At present I do not know just how I could be of service. I teach most primary and secondary branches-preferring of course, History, Economics, Social Problems, &c….In any case I am willing and eager to entertain any proposition for giving my services to your school.”-William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, “Wednesday, April 1, 1896, (Wilberforce, Ohio)”

“My dear Mr. Washington: Yours of 4-1 just received, and after a careful consideration of its contents, I now venture a reply. It is certainly very kind of you to take the interest you have in me…So if you are prepared to make me an offer now it shall receive my first consideration.”-George Washington Carver, “April 12, 1896, (Ames, Iowa)”

In the spring of 1896, Booker T. Washington was in the midst of recruiting not one but two luminaries to Tuskegee Institute: W.E.B. Du Bois and George Washington Carver. (Here one has to pause and imagine what might have been had Washington secured at Tuskegee the services of two of the most distinguished scholars—preeminent even—in their respective fields in all of American and African American educational and intellectual history.)

Arguably, a Copernican Revolution in higher education indeed would have been had at Tuskegee to have had the most successful university president, agricultural scientist and social scientist of the late 19th and early 20th century—each of these designations are still far too limiting considering their widespread accomplishments—serving contemporaneously in Tuskegee, Alabama. Despite his eventual deep-seated disagreements with Du Bois—and even his many disagreements with Carver, which are recorded in their many letters to one another, note the following: Booker T. Washington was not threatened or intimidated to recruit talent that would rival his own.

All the same, the aforementioned letters from Du Bois and Washington—Du Bois writing from Wilberforce while still serving as an instructor there and Carver writing from Iowa Agriculture College where he would be soon finishing his master’s degree in scientific agriculture—demonstrated their profound admiration and respect for Washington also.

Carver would choose to go to Tuskegee having already been in negotiations with several institutions including Alcorn A &M located in Mississippi. And Du Bois sent several communications to Washington to discuss the prospect of joining him at Tuskegee eventually teaching, presumably, during the summer of 1903. While one might well imagine what this trifecta could have been, it is safe to suggest that each made indelible marks on their respective institutions (Tuskegee and Atlanta Universities) that reverberated throughout the world.

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W.E.B. Du Bois, the NAACP and _Crisis Magazine: A Record of the Darker Races_

“My new title showed that I had modified my program of research but by no means abandoned it […] This new field of endeavor represented a distinct break from my previous purely scientific program. While “research’ was still among my duties, there were in fact no funds for such work. My chief efforts were devoted to editing and publishing the Crisis, which I founded on my own responsibility and over the protests of my associates. With the Crisis, I essayed a new role of interpreting to the world the hindrances and aspirations of American Negroes.”-William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, _The Autobiography of W.E.B. Du Bois_(1968)

Although the newly formed NAACP final offer to W.E.B. Du Bois in 1910 did not include funding for a research program similar to the one he headed up at Atlanta University, it became evident that Du Bois finally found an institution that could satisfactorily sponsor a long-term utilitarian periodical for reforming behavior in the African American community as well as protesting on behalf of it. In this regard, this unique alliance was surprisingly beneficial to the organization’s plans as well. In addition to the fact that NAACP leaders could find no one better qualified than Du Bois to oversee field research and writings about racial injustices and atrocities perpetuated against American Negroes, his selection also helped facilitate the organization’s other concerns to advance the Negro race by ‘fitting this people’ for successful participation in American society.

To be sure, protecting Negroes from lynching, discrimination and injustice was the organization’s chief intentions throughout its institutional history. The newly formed 1909 National Negro Committee—the NAACP’s former designation—made it unmistakably clear that its efforts were to be directed against persons or groups who participated in or indirectly supported a systematic practice of racial oppression directed toward the American Negro. Yet a closer examination of the committee’s initial 1909 purpose statement also suggests that its goals were not merely confined to eliminating Negro oppression.

The 1909 National Negro Committee’s founding document went on to assert: “The nearest hope lies in the immediate and patiently continued enlightenment of the people who have been inveigled in a campaign of oppression.” Although the NAACP’s protest efforts against racist institutional practices in American society are a well-known backdrop for Du Bois’s more vituperative protest writings appearing in Crisis, the group’s 1909 declaration actually represents a two-tiered approach for solving African American social problems. The first tier demanded a cessation of racial persecution against blacks, while the second tier included reformatory efforts within the African American community to which Du Bois would use the Crisis to also address.

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‘A moral question is nothing more…’: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Negro Church

“A moral question is nothing more than a psychological question and social question; and above all a field where our churches should get busy.”-William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, “As The Crow Flies,” circa 1915

In many ways, the “vocabulary” for moral reform was precisely what a more scholarly reformer like W.E.B. Du Bois hoped to offer an alternative to when writing in periodicals in the late 19th and early 20th century. Unlike much of the dogmatism and didacticism associated with late 19th and early 20th century black churches and religious organizations, Du Bois insisted that an absence of education contributed to most of the immoral and unethical behavior in the large African American community. African American churches and religious organizations had as their reform pretext —mirroring sermons pronounced from their pulpits—a vague religious dogma that did not provide the kind of practical instruction that Du Bois’s sociological background offered.

Reverend Crawford Jackson of Atlanta, Georgia typified the late-19th century and early 20th century reform ideals of most Black churches and religious organizations when speaking at the Negro Young People’s Christian and Educational Congress held August 6-11, 1902: “We want our [reform] movement to be Christian to the core. If God the Father through Christ is not to be its very Alpha and Omega, then I must be counted out.”

Du Bois disagreed with this late 10th and early 20th century reform ideology arguing that dogma alone could not eradicate contemporary social problems that derived from slavery. Instead, he believed African Americans needed a firm historical and sociological grasp of a distinct American phenomenon that black ministers could not offer due to an inadequate educational background. When Du Bois suggested that “a moral question is nothing more than a psychological question and social question,” he effectively likened African American moral and ethical issues to a sociological field of activity; for Du Bois, this provided grounds for his own reform and uplift writings appearing in White, Negro, religious, civic and sacred periodicals that his scholarly occupation uniquely qualified him to offer. This vocation, in part, was fueled by his sociological studies on the African American community conducted and published from 1900 to 1910 while a professor at Atlanta University.

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The Dinner between Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois (July 6, 1903)

“[To William Edward Burghardt Du Bois] Mr. Booker T. Washington will be pleased to have you take dinner with him at his home, “The Oaks,” at 6:30 o’clock this evening.” – Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee, July 6, 1903

Presidential Commentary by Dr. Brian Johnson

There are a handful of historic dinner-time conversations that the writer of this commentary would ever wish to be transported back in time to listen in upon. And this one between the eminent and distinguished founding principal and president of Tuskegee (Institute) University, Booker T. Washington, and the eminent and distinguished, William Edward Burghardt Du Bois ranks near the very top.

For in 1903, these two men were, arguably, at the very zenith of their spiritual (heart), intellectual (head) and physical (hands) strength. W.E.B. DuBois would have published his signal work, The Souls of Black Folk in this same year, 1903, and Booker T. Washington would only be two years removed from publishing Up From Slavery in 1901. In a little-known, yet most noteworthy moment in the history of both American and African American literary history, they jointly published the book, The Negro In the South (1907) containing 2 essays from himself and 2 other essays from none other than this W.E.B. Du Bois who apparently was teaching a summer course in Tuskegee in 1903. (And this was not their first co-publication. This would be the second book containing these two stalwarts in American and African American educational and intellectual history.)

All the same, one can only imagine the earnestness, frankness and thoughtfulness of their discourse on that evening. (“Depth” and “breadth” is the greatest 5 and 7-letter word combination, and this conversation would have certainly fit this description-completely opposite of a conversation that is flat, flippant and frivolous.) One would be deeply mistaken to assume their ideological differences were so deep-seated that these two men could not come together for dinner and discussion.

One would hardly ever invite someone to dinner who he or she disdains and distrusts. One would not invite them into the confines of one’s home, particularly into one as auspicious as “The Oaks,” and amongst one’s family. These men likely expressed their differences with one another, but they assuredly did so honorably and respectfully in the presence of each other. In the end, one might never learn what the conversation was about.

Yet, the singular invitation to invite one who has commonly been regarded as his chief adversary-possessing equal ability, stature and renown-speaks to the magnanimity of Tuskegee’s Booker T. Washington, who demonstrated one of his oft-quoted maxims: “I let no man drag me down so low as to make me hate him.”

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‘Two lines of work’: Protest and Reform/Uplift (1906)

“I realize fully, and have always said so on every proper occasion, that there are two lines of work to be accomplished. One is in the direction of agitation, calling attention to wrongs and the condemnation of these wrongs. Along with this there should go efforts in the direction of education, moral and religious teaching and helping of the race to strengthen itself in material and financial directions. There is a wide field in all this for every man of the race who wants to give service.”-Booker T. Washington, “To Nicholas Chiles,” November 17, 1906 [Tuskegee, Alabama]

Unlike his very public disagreements with men such as W.E.B. Du Bois and William Monroe Trotter—often through public speeches, competing editorials or tacit subterfuge—Booker T. Washington felt comfortable enough to maintain correspondence with Nicholas Chiles. Though he possessed views, in some cases, similar to both Du Bois and Trotter, Washington writes about Chiles: “I always enjoy writing you because I find you are a man with whom one can discuss matters, and even disagree, without personalities and abuse entering in.” (To be able to disagree with one’s opponents without slander or attempt to harm and injure reputation is something contemporary leaders and followers alike would do well to remember in our age of social media and internet access.)

All the same, in the aforementioned passage, Washington outlines two lines of work that might be defined in more contemporary nomenclature as “protest” and “reform/uplift”.  While the work of Du Bois, Trotter and many contemporary and historical African Americans community leaders exist in the tradition of “agitation,” “calling attention,” and “condemnation,” (and their efforts more heralded, celebrated and popularized) Washington here describes that there are others who are deeply invested in a different work: “education, moral, and religious teaching.” It is clear that work of those who exist in the tradition of a W.E.B. Du Bois is a viable one, but make no mistake, in this letter, he invokes his own work at Tuskegee and others such as Mary McLeod Bethune, founder of Bethune Cookman University, who viewed theirs as equally valuable (and perhaps even moreso.) 

First, the work of both Washington and Bethune remain visible to this very day owing to the institutions they founded. (Though valuable, often the work of protest and agitation has not fashioned long standing institution building in a vein similar to these universities or the economic development African American citizens in Tuskegee, AL , Tulsa, OK or the city of Durham, NC-the latter two affectionately referred to as “Black Wall Street” in their heyday.) Moreso, though this aspect of their religious and faith convictions are often wittingly or unwittingly muted and ignored, Washington and Bethune were persons of deep and abiding faith, and though this has often been dismissed as mere “heavenly preoccupation” and they did their best to walk wisely concerning their views, Washington and Bethune also believed it to have a very pragmatic quality for both here and now (not simply the time to come): the moral and ethical development of the African American community.

(Like Washington and Bethune, there have always been African American leaders with deep and abiding faith, which went above and beyond political expediency and when one views their words and works comparatively and historically there would be much to ascertain concerning the reasons for their triumphs.) Cornel West’s (1994) _Race Matters_ alludes to this historical dynamic thusly: “THERE has not been a time in the history of black people in this country when the quantity of politicians and intellectuals was so great, yet the quality of both groups has been so low.” Whatsoever gains that are to ever be had through the efforts of both of these “lines of work,” the latter had most certainly be involved if it is to be kept, harnessed and continued.

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‘Either religion is true or it is not true…learning will make it firmer’: W.E.B. Du Bois, the Church and the University

“The argument that college education makes a man irreligious seems to me mere fol-de-rol (foolish talk). Either religion is true or it is not true; if it is not true, men ought to be irreligious; and if it is true, learning will serve to make it firmer than ever. The Puritans did the best thing for morality and religion, when they backed their church by an institution of learning in my opinion. A religion that won’t stand the application of reason and common sense, is not fit for an intelligent dog. As to the snobbery connected with education, let me say that no thoroughly educated man ever turned up his nose at a fellow human being…When the church ceases to stand for education and morality, it must go. No power could do so much for the education of the colored people of Boston, for preparing them for the duties of citizenship…You have got to come to the point where you will call the man who announces a lecture and gives you fifteen minutes of rambling nonsense, a liar; the church which advertises a concert and gives a fiddle, a thief; a father who doesn’t educate his children, a public enemy; a man who allows a single penny to influence his vote, a traitor;”-“Does Education Pay?” (1891)

In “Does Education Pay?” delivered before the National Colored League in Boston, on March 10, 1891, Du Bois addresses those within the African American community who suggest that education contaminates religion. Resembling Thomas Jefferson’s Enlightenment preoccupation with reason and results more than religious profession in his Notes on the State of Virginia, Du Bois’s speech was far more concerned with what African American churches should do to aid others now instead of in the time to come. However, what is most intriguing about the speech is that in it one discovers that the seeds of Du Bois’s concerns about reform within the African American community were actually sown in his conception of “practical Christian work.”

It appears that the young Du Bois from Great Barrington, MA by way of Fisk University simply possessed a desire to see moral, ethical, intellectual and social dimensions of Christianity actualized within late 19th and early 20th Century African American communities; and he desired this in a manner similar to Judge Justin Dewey—Du Bois’s Sunday school teacher at the First Congregational Church in Great Barrington who also adjudicated the infamous Lizzie Borden trials.

Dewey had raised similar concerns about the social contributions of his fellow white Great Barrington citizens while Du Bois was still a congregant. And if this suggestion is correct—that the seeds of Du Bois’s reformation writings were sown in his youthful and naive desire to see African American Christians make Protestant, Puritan even New England Congregational notions of morality and education manifest in their communities-these seeds both germinated and came into fruition through the pragmatism of William James, which he encountered during his undergraduate experience at Harvard.

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‘New England, Congregationalist, Protestant and Puritanical Ethics’: W.E.B. Du Bois and Benjamin Franklin

“”I am especially glad that the partial Puritanism of my upbringing has never made me afraid of life […] Perhaps above all I am proud of a straightforward clearness of reason in part a gift of the gods, but also to no little degree due to scientific training and inner discipline…. I have realized that Love is God and Work is His prophet; that His ministers are Age and Death.”-W.E.B. Du Bois, _The Dusk of Dawn_

One of the most famed exemplars of notions of 17th-18th Century New England Congregationalist,Protestant and Puritanical work ethic was Benjamin Franklin. And Franklin bears a conspicuous resemblance to the formation of this facet of W.E.B. Du Bois’s early zeal-like Puritanical reform efforts within the African American community albeit a full century later with Du Bois’s earliest writings appearing in newspapers from 1883-1885.

Though not widely known, in 1956, seven years before Du Bois’s death in Ghana, Africa, the Vienna World Peace Council asked him to write a biographical account of Benjamin Franklin’s life. The biography was to commemorate the 250th anniversary of Franklin’s birth. Among other things, the biography focused on Franklin’s scientific efforts, his hatred of cant and orthodox religion, and his fanatic devotion to improving the well-being of his fellow Americans.

While Du Bois’s The Story of Benjamin Franklin consisted of only thirty-nine pages, this was indeed a noteworthy, unprecedented moment in American print history: the most looming figure in African American letters was requested to document the life of one of the most formative figures in the whole of American letters. In considering Franklin’s life and letters alongside Du Bois’s, one notices several striking parallels-parallels that did not escape Du Bois’s shrewd perception.

Like Franklin, Du Bois was reared in the New England Congregationalist tradition and later disavowed it. As teenagers, both men undertook their first printed efforts, in the form of moralizing columns-Franklin for his brother’s New England Courant newspaper under the guise of Mrs. Silence Dogood, and Du Bois for T. Thomas Fortune’s New York Globe. Also, both men shared a devotion to scientific and rational pursuits of truth throughout their long careers in public life.

However, the most provocative link between these famous personages found throughout their various labors in print media was their consistent choice of theme: moral and ethical improvement. Many of Franklin’s moral and ethical commentaries were directed toward his eighteenth-century American compatriots, and Du Bois’s would be directed toward his fellow compatriots as well-late-nineteenth-century African Americans.

To the vexation of the many generations of readers who have sought wisdom in these stalwarts’ writings for their own moral and ethical (even intellectual) betterment, neither Benjamin Franklin nor W.E.B. Du Bois ever confessed that their intrinsic gifts and abilities were far superior to those of their contemporaries, making many of their puritanical expections of their fellow-citizens (albeit a century apart) nearly impossible. Perhaps this also led to both of their radical disavowals of religion in favor of scientific discovery.

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‘Free Baptism…in the Pages of the Crisis’: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Birth of the Harlem Renaissance

“The editor steps outside the limits of criticism to become personal. I should think that a publication so holy-clean and righteous-pure as the Crisis should hesitate about promoting anything from the pen of a writer who wallows so much in ‘dirt’ ‘filth’ ‘drunkenness’ ‘fighting’ and ‘lascivious sexual promiscuity’ […] deep-sunk in depravity though he may be the author of Home to Harlem [McKay’s novel] prefers to remain unrepentant and unregenerate and he ‘distinctly’ is not grateful for any free baptism of grace in the cleansing pages of the Crisis.”-“Claude McKay to W.E.B. Du Bois,” June 18, 1928

Du Bois was widely regarded as the father of the Harlem Renaissance for having given considerable space to its authors and poets within the pages of The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races (1910-1934) during his first editorship and his book reviews and essays often castigated this young cadre of African American intellectuals for their moral looseness. So much so that Claude McKay, an acclaimed Harlem Renaissance poet and novelist, took issue with Du Bois for his didactic and moralist criticisms. (There is great irony for Du Bois during this period considering his working relationship with Jessie Fausett who is considered the ‘mid-wife’ of the Harlem Renaissance.) Their relationship can be observed in the wonderfully written Harlem Rhapsody by Victoria Christopher Murray.

Although his future agnosticism would eventually make him decidedly critical of all forms of orthodox Christianity and its ministers, Du Bois’s speeches, commencement addresses, periodical writings, book reviews, and scholarship always retained a rather perceptible moral and ethical strain that clearly resonated with the sermons he heard during his youthful time within the First Congregational Church of Great Barrington. In later years, Du Bois himself remarked about his life, “my morals were sound even puritanical.”

Even as early as 1897 while still a major contributor to Crummell’s The American Negro Academy, Du Bois’s infamous terming of a black “Talented Tenth” insisted that such leadership should “sound a note of warning that would echo in every black cabin in the land: unless we conquer our present vices they will conquer us.” Similarly, Du Bois envisioned and hoped that Renaissance writers would help him in setting forth both intelligent and moral leadership for African Americans that writers like McKay and Zora Neale Hurston did not consider as part of their work.

These writers were more in lockstep with Alain Locke’s conception of The New Negro which in differentiating itself from ‘the old Negro’ wanted no parts of religion even Du Bois’s Congregational and Puritanical remnants in spite of his disavowals of religion.

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‘Spreading to Leaven’: Alexander Crummell, W.E.B. Du Bois and the American Negro Academy

“Just here arises the need of the trained and scholarly men of a race to employ their knowledge and culture and teaching and to guide both the opinions and habits of the crude masses […] we can spread abroad and widely disseminate that culture and enlightenment which shall permeate and leaven the entire social and domestic life of our people and so give that civilization which is the nearest ally of religion.”-Alexander Crummell, “Civilization: The Primal Need of the Race” (1898)

In the above excerpt, Rev. Alexander Crummell-Yale-trained seminarian before the end of the Civil War-argued at the opening of the founding of the American Negro Academy that educated and literate African American preachers and scholars must lead moral, ethical, intellectual and social reform efforts amidst their uneducated African American community members by supplementing-perhaps even supplanting-traditional African American religious practices; this was what all advanced civilizations required, he believed.

The corollary to Crummell’s argument, then, meant that regular communication to uneducated African American community members was imperative. Crummell’s (as well as Du Bois’s) concern about this communication was so earnest that it straightway led them to form the American Negro Academy’s Occasional Papers in the afternoon session during the inaugural meeting where this talk was presented at the founding of the American Negro Academy.

Because educated and scholarly African Americans and literate clergymen were without a suitable print medium of expression designed for this ongoing commitment in either their community or the white one, Crummell’s American Negro Academy tried to fashion an alternative print mode-minus the bulky scholastic documentation-that would convincingly adhere to their respective academic backgrounds while simultaneously facilitating a forum for moral, ethical, intellectual, and social leadership in the African American community.

To be certain, educated African American leaders of this ilk were also concerned with protecting African Americans from unceasing racist attacks. Yet the persistent strain of uplift and reform writing (directed towards African American communities) that this unique cadre was also preoccupied with is often overlooked.

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W.E.B. Du Bois, Alexander Crummell and Martin Luther King, Jr.-‘The Negro Ghandi’

“Our religion with all of its dogma, demagoguery and showmanship can be a center to teach character, right conduct and sacrifice. Therein lies a career for a Negro Ghandi and a host of earnest followers.”-W.E.B. Du Bois, Du Bois, “The Talented Tenth: Memorial Address,” Boule Journal (Wilberforce, Ohio) 15 (October 15, 1948): 7.

In a rare commendation of the possibilities of African American religion, Du Bois offers an almost prophetic pronouncement about the coming of someone like King where he actually suggested that a Ghandi-like figure might secure a place as an African American religious leader worth following.Yet, it did not come without Du bois’s deep reservations.

In a February 11, 1957 article titled “Will the Great Ghandi Live Again?” appearing in the National Guardian, Du Bois mockingly reproves the effort of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the civil rights movement, implying that it lacked sustainability and “moral courage.” Two years later, Du Bois does much the same in “Crusader Without Violence,” dated November 9, 1959 and also appearing in the National Guardian. (Even before King’s participation within the movement, he decried the possibility of such a national program in the aforementioned March 13, 1948 speech turned article.)

Though historians and literary theorists alike have pointed out the sheer poignancy and profundity of Du Bois’s passing occurring in Accra, Ghana on August 27, 1963-the eve prior to the Martin Luther King Jr.-led March on Washington for civil rights-not many have offered commentary about those criticisms Du Bois leveled toward King and the civil rights movement in light of Du Bois’s then deeply-ensconced agnosticism. (Although the man King himself passed over any such remonstrations and gave his due reverence to Du Bois in his remarks on the elder sage’s passing at age 95.)

Nevertheless, Du Bois’s demise on the eve prior to the 1963 March on Washington represented much more than the passing of the baton to the next generation of African American leadership. In many ways it represented the national African American community’s return to its religious leadership-a leadership Du Bois had seemingly fought his entire life to supplant and replace. And the symbolism of this return to its religious leadership (if only during King’s brief life) extends much further when one considers Du Bois alongside of King.

Whereas Du Bois’s appearance as a national African American leader came largely as a result of his being the first African American Ph.D. recipient from Harvard University, King’s mantle of leadership appears to have been the long-awaited manifestation of Alexander Crummell’s ambition-an intelligent African American religious leader possessing verifiable morality, ethics, and, with King’s receipt of the Ph.D. in systematic theology from Boston University, an academically respectable degree. This ambition-becoming the incarnate ideal of Crummell’s desire for moral, ethical and intellectual leadership-was necessarily both Du Bois’s and Crummell’s euphoric intention when they co-founded the American Negro Academy in 1897.

Here one has to pause and wonder what might have happened if Du Bois’s youthful idealism about the possibilities of a practical and intelligent Christian orthodoxy had been able to submit under Crummell’s tutelage beyond a year’s time and beyond their brief time together within The American Negro Academy. But needless to say, Du Bois’s growing disdain for organized religion coupled with the death of Crummell not one year after the Academy’s inception —as well as the quasi-religious organization’s vote to disallow the use of academic pedigrees within the American Negro Academy in the interests of solidarity—permanently quelled such hope for Du Bois.

In view of such reasons, it is not at all difficult to view Du Bois’s reticence to applaud the youthful King’s successful leadership within the movement as a conscious-panged, guilt-ridden reminder of what role he might have played in the national African American community had he bore both the cross and the gospel that Alexander Crummell passed on to him in 1898 at his passing in 1898 after their co-founding of the American Negro Academy in 1897.

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‘New England, Congregationalist, Protestant and Puritanical Ethics’: W.E.B. Du Bois and Benjamin Franklin

“”I am especially glad that the partial Puritanism of my upbringing has never made me afraid of life […] Perhaps above all I am proud of a straightforward clearness of reason in part a gift of the gods, but also to no little degree due to scientific training and inner discipline…. I have realized that Love is God and Work is His prophet; that His ministers are Age and Death.”-W.E.B. Du Bois, _The Dusk of Dawn_

One of the most famed exemplars of notions of 17th-18th Century New England Congregationalist,Protestant and Puritanical work ethic was Benjamin Franklin. And Franklin bears a conspicuous resemblance to the formation of this facet of W.E.B. Du Bois’s early zeal-like Puritanical reform efforts within the African American community albeit a full century later with Du Bois’s earliest writings appearing in newspapers from 1883-1885.

Though not widely known, in 1956, seven years before Du Bois’s death in Ghana, Africa, the Vienna World Peace Council asked him to write a biographical account of Benjamin Franklin’s life. The biography was to commemorate the 250th anniversary of Franklin’s birth. Among other things, the biography focused on Franklin’s scientific efforts, his hatred of cant and orthodox religion, and his fanatic devotion to improving the well-being of his fellow Americans.

While Du Bois’s The Story of Benjamin Franklin consisted of only thirty-nine pages, this was indeed a noteworthy, unprecedented moment in American print history: the most looming figure in African American letters was requested to document the life of one of the most formative figures in the whole of American letters. In considering Franklin’s life and letters alongside Du Bois’s, one notices several striking parallels-parallels that did not escape Du Bois’s shrewd perception.

Like Franklin, Du Bois was reared in the New England Congregationalist tradition and later disavowed it. As teenagers, both men undertook their first printed efforts, in the form of moralizing columns-Franklin for his brother’s New England Courant newspaper under the guise of Mrs. Silence Dogood, and Du Bois for T. Thomas Fortune’s New York Globe. Also, both men shared a devotion to scientific and rational pursuits of truth throughout their long careers in public life. However, the most provocative link between these famous personages found throughout their various labors in print media was their consistent choice of theme: moral and ethical improvement. Many of Franklin’s moral and ethical commentaries were directed toward his eighteenth-century American compatriots, and Du Bois’s would be directed toward his fellow compatriots as well-late-nineteenth-century African Americans.

To the vexation of the many generations of readers who have sought wisdom in these stalwarts’ writings for their own moral and ethical (even intellectual) betterment, neither Benjamin Franklin nor W.E.B. Du Bois ever confessed that their intrinsic gifts and abilities were far superior to those of most men and women, making many of their puritanical expections of their fellow-citizens (albeit a century apart) nearly impossible. Perhaps this also led to both of their radical disavowals of religion in favor of scientific discovery.

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THE PREACHER, THE SCHOLAR AND THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY (1897)

“ Just here arises the need of the trained and scholarly men of a race to employ their knowledge and culture and teaching and to guide both the opinions and habits of the crude masses […] we can spread abroad and widely disseminate that culture and enlightenment which shall permeate and leaven the entire social and domestic life of our people and so give that civilization.”- Alexander Crummell, “Civilization, The Primal Need of the Race” (1897)

One important organization and person in Du Bois’s life that he largely omitted when documenting the story of his intellectual life was that of the American Negro Academy and Alexander Crummell.

Du Bois secured his first academic appointment at Wilberforce University, a religious institution under the auspices of the A.M.E. church. While there, Du Bois would try to maintain a careful, uneasy balance between the religious expectations that the university would require of him and the research, educational, and intellectual expectations that he would require of the university. And it was at Wilberforce University where Du Bois first met Alexander Crummell, a Yale-educated African American preacher and scholar (before the Civil War).

Crummell’s willingness to take his fellow African American clergymen to task for their derisory education, illiteracy, immorality, and a host of other areas proved attractive to Du Bois’s bourgeoning agnosticism. And though Du Bois, and other African American Academy members attempted to craft quasi-religious reform rhetoric to implement the reform aims that Du Bois’s “The Conservation of Races” promoted, it was clear that the question of how to infuse scholarly knowledge into quasi-religious reform rhetoric was never entirely resolved, as this oil-and-water union between Du Bois’s credentials and agnosticism, and the religious dogma associated with Crummell’s rigid adherence to Episcopalian doctrine, would result in Du Bois’s relative silence about this period in his life.

Although no satisfactory explanation has been offered thus far for Du Bois’s failure to describe his time within the American Negro Academy and his relationship with Alexander Crummell, perhaps Du Bois’s silence about this period might be explained in terms of this experience’s frightening similarity with the zeal he exhibited at both Fisk and Harvard (albeit brief). This period probably reminded Du Bois of how closely and organically linked he had become with a fundamentalist para-African American religious organization and preacher, which, in the end, was radically at odds with his lasting agnostic legacy.

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‘As The Black Crow Flies’: William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (1910-1934)

“I suppose you’d like to be a Crow and fly over the world and see just everything as I,-and maybe I wouldn’t like to be a dear Brownie!-but since Crows must be Crows and Folks must be Folks, I’ll try to tell you about some things I’ve seen on my flight over the seas!”-William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, _Crisis Magazine_ (July 1920)

While W.E.B. Du Bois’s own descriptions of the crow’s travels through “many and varied nests” appear to explain his idealistic search for a centralized place for his unique and innovative concerns as a scholar, the crow’s prophetic symbolism in relation to the periodical is far more enigmatic. 

As an embodiment of Du Bois himself, the black crow bore a conspicuous resemblance to that of an Old Testament seer or prophet with only one distinction: a biblical seer or prophet possessed a providential mandate for his oracles and writings, whereas Du Bois’s authority-manifested most profoundly in periodical and utilitarian writing-proceeded from his standing as the first African American to receive a Ph.D. from Harvard in 1895- and a Berlin-trained African American who became the father of African American sociology.

Du Bois addressed African American social maladies using truths derived from sociological investigations in the African American community, which heretofore had never been attempted by an African American. He also possessed the unique advantage of being the most qualified African American to pursue African American social questions from an academic standpoint, and, among qualified sociologists, Du Bois was among the few whose work was wholly devoted to African American social problems for reform purposes. 

The black crow embodied in Du Bois’s founding of _Crisis Magazine: A Periodical of the Darker Races_ in 1910 as an arm of the NAACP; with it Du Bois marshaled the periodical’s unique ability to tersely disperse his enormous academic breadth of knowledge for reform and uplift purposes for the national African American and the larger global black communities. By situating the “black” crow “high above,” “looking downward with sharp eyes,” and dropping “bits of news” to the ordinary “folks,” Du Bois was able to metaphorically describe his uniqueness as an African American scholar relaying pertinent historical and contemporary knowledge for the purposes of reforming African Americans. 

Although the imagery surrounding the crow remains cryptic, it is certain that Du Bois was prescient enough to to know that the figure of the crow would personify an African American with unparalleled possibilities in the realm of utilitarian periodical writing that few could ignore, including major white editors and their national white audience. 

From such progressive, liberal and religious platforms, Du Bois could finally be seen and finally disseminate what he saw in a manner that he could not through the many academic and scholarly works that many non-academics would never encounter. His most famous work, (1903) _The Souls of Black Folk_ contains 9 of the book’s 14 essays that were first published via periodical publication.

Finding alternative means for communicating to the masses information gleaned from many long years of study and research makes W.E.B. Du Bois a progenitor for modern-day social media pundits. One need only imagine how W.E.B. Du Bois might have utilized social media for the purposes of communicating his research.

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TWO LINES OF WORK: BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, W.E.B. DU BOIS AND CHRISTIAN PRAGMATISM (A REFLECTION)

I remember my first day as president of Tuskegee University in April 2014. The heat in Macon County, Alabama pressed heavy, the buildings bore the weight of deferred maintenance, and the faculty, staff, students, and the Tuskegee community—fiercely loyal but growing weary with multiple presidents since 2010—carried questions in their eyes. The institution would be soon placed accreditation warning, which was noted in a foreboding accreditation letter placed on my desk on the day of my arrival based upon its recently submitted 5-year report. Newspapers wondered whether Tuskegee, once the pride of Black higher education, could endure.

As I stood before the gathered community that day, I felt two shadows at my back. One was Booker T. Washington, who had walked those same grounds a century earlier as its first principal and president—I had been the seventh—proclaiming that faith meant building bricks, raising barns, and cultivating dignity through labor. The other was W.E.B. Du Bois insisting that education must elevate the mind and sharpen intellect through reading, writing and thinking.

Between those two legacies and within my own Christian faith, I had to lead. The great temptation of American memory has been to tell the story of Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois as permanent enemies. Washington the Conservative builder, Du Bois the radical agitator. Washington the accommodator, DuBois the prophet. Such binaries are convenient for textbooks and contemporary debate, but they are rarely faithful to the lives of real men who bore the burden of being leaders in the nadir of American race relations.

(Most are not aware that the two consented to book co-authorship containing their individual essays, Du Bois taught one summer at Tuskegee, they both dined together at Washington’s “The Oaks,” and there is a great deal of correspondence between the two in Du Bois’s earlier career before their very public disagreements. Perhaps most of all, most do not know of their profound agreement regarding the need for reform within the African American community just as much as the need for protest on behalf the community-this dual sword was also at the core of Alexander Crummell’s American Negro Academy that Du Bois co-founded.)

Looking back, I see that Washington and Du Bois, so often portrayed as opposites, are better read together. Their synthesisis what I call Christian pragmatism. Washington’s ethic of discipline and labor, paired with Du Bois’s ethic of disciplined thought, shows that Christian leadership begins not with charisma but with character demonstrating itself in words and works. Washington laid bricks and built an institution for his primary vocation, Du Bois wrote scholarly books as well as periodicals for his. Each knew that conviction must become tangible work. In their lives, theology became vocational—even avocational—practice.

Moreover, Washington built schools to strengthen communities; Du Bois developed leaders to confront injustice. Both understood that Christian pragmatism requires not only inward piety but outward service. Washington’s faith was primarily demonstrated through the work of institution building though his oratorical prowess and writings were equally potent. He believed that institutions themselves could be sacraments of faith. His life testified that you could preach as much with a plow as with a pulpit. “Cast down your bucket where you are,” he once told a generation of Black Americans.

It was not resignation but a summons to cultivate dignity, usefulness, and permanence in a hostile land. That conviction steadied me when I faced Tuskegee’s accreditation warning. This was not glamorous work (for as I write elsewhere in a forthcoming work, MONDAY COMETH for all HBCU and small college presidents after the pomp and circumstance of homecoming, social media posts, football games, on campus incidents, alumni and weekend celebrations.)

It meant combing through financial ledgers, aligning governance structures, and insisting on collaboration and accountability at every level. It meant unglamorous meetings with auditors, trustees, consultants, and accrediting agencies. But I knew: if Tuskegee lost its accreditation, generations of Black students would lose opportunity.

In that labor, Washington was with me. To build, even against the odds, was an act of faith. Washington’s Christian faith was less concerned with doctrinal creeds, “exposition, testifying and persuading” (Acts 28:23)—though his Christian faith was well documented—than with the moral formation that comes through work. He believed that labor, performed faithfully and with dignity, could itself be a sermon. The plow, the hammer, and the brick were not merely tools of economic survival but sacraments of public witness.

His message to Black Americans was clear: do not despise the day of small beginnings (Zechariah 4:10). Lay foundations. Till soil. Build schools. Repair what is broken. He urged his people to cultivate faith by cultivating institutions that would outlast a single lifetime.This was the grammar of Washington’s faith, and it steadied me at Tuskegee. To face financial precarity was not glamorous work, but Washington reminded me it was holy work.

It was the work of repair, the planting of seeds, the raising of structures that others would inherit. Washington’s voice reminded me that Christian pramatism in higher education requires not only celebratory vision and self-aggrandizement via social media but the discipline of repairing hurting institutions.

Yet Washington alone could not carry me. Du Bois also walked beside me. His Christian pragmatism was marked not solely by church membership but by intellectual seriousness. Although this engagement was largely through words—his scholarly books and, especially, his periodical writing was the site of most of these commentaries on the black community—in addition to these he was the founder of Crisis Magazine which is still in existence. (Yet, to be clear, he moved very sharply from youthful piety in congregationalist and—even highly Puritanical–Great Barrington, Massachusetts to seasoned agnosticism at the time of his passing in Ghana, Africa.) Du Bois who gave birth to the Harlem Renaissance within the pages of Crisis was roundly criticized by these authors for being too high-handed and moralistic. I and other Du Bois scholars roundly acknowledge this.

All the same, he doubted, he wrestled, and he demanded that any faith worth holding withstand the sharp edge of reason. In my two books on Du Bois, Du Bois on Reform: Periodical-based Leadership for African Americans (2005) and W.E.B. Du Bois: Toward Agnosticism (2008) I came to see his skepticism as a kind of reverence: an unwillingness to trivialize truth. For him, education was sacred because it formed minds capable of wrestling with the highest questions.

When I later became president of Warner Pacific University, a small Christian, minority-serving college in Portland, Oregon, I carried Du Bois with me again.

Warner faced declining enrollment, waning missional alignment and shifting accreditation sanctions owing to the enrollment. Transformation required not just fiscal discipline but also intellectual courage—reimagining how a Christian institution could serve first-generation students, rural white students, and communities of color in a progressive-oriented city such as Portland.

That intellectual labor bore fruit. Warner regained full membership as a Governing Institution in the Council of Christian Colleges and Universities (CCCU), became the first four-year university in Oregon to secure a multimillion-dollar Title V grant, and later received a multimillion-dollar Title II Augustus F. Hawkins grant in consecutive years. Those victories were institutional, yes, but they were also spiritual: they testified that Christian pragmatism is as much about profession as it is about spreadsheets.

Du Bois embodied a different grammar of Christian faith from Washington. His was a restless Christianity—marked by doubt, questioning, and ultimately, by agnosticism. And yet, in that very struggle, he offered a lesson for the Christian: that the life of the mind is not an enemy to faith but a form of reverence in its own right.

Du Bois’s intellectual engagement was uncompromising. He demanded that truth be tested, that claims of faith withstand the scrutiny of reason, that education stretch the human soul toward its highest possibilities. His insistence on intellectual rigor was, at its core, a deeply moral conviction: that Black life in America—as well as the Christian church—was worthy of the most serious thought, reflection and deliberation.

As I look back on Warner Pacific’s ongoing transformation, I see how Du Bois’s intellectual discipline challenged me to imagine more: not only helping preserve the institution which all participated in but rethinking its purpose. In that sense, Du Bois became for me less a skeptic to be resisted than a teacher to be followed insofar as faithfulness to reason is concerned—insisting that thought itself can be an act of faith.

This is what I carried as a president but more importantly as a Christian: the conviction that to lead and live is to integrate faith and reason (faith and learning), heart, hands and head, institution and idea (mission), always with an eye toward the flourishing of others.

When I left Tuskegee in July 2017, its accreditation warning had been lifted. When I left Warner Pacific in August 2025, it was financially stronger, more regionally and nationally recognized, and newly invested in by federal support. These outcomes were not my doing alone—hardly—but the fruit of a tradition I inherited—the tradition of Washington’s labor and Du Bois’s thought, refracted through my own Christian faith and Christian and African Americanintellectual tradition.

Today, when I mentor young leaders, I tell them: Washington and Du Bois are not enemies to be chosen between but teachers to be held together. From Washington we learn that to repair an institution is holy work. From Du Bois we learn that to engage ideas with seriousness is holy work. And from Christ we learn that service—whether with bricks or with books—exists to serve others.

I began my presidency at Tuskegee with two shadows at my back. I carry them still. And in their company, I continue to believe: the work of building, thinking, writing, repairing and leading for the good of others is not only possible—it is a civic and sacred calling.

In my years at Tuskegee and later Warner Pacific University, I came to realize that these legacies cannot be separated.

Washington’s grammar of building taught me that accreditation warnings and financial reforms could themselves be holy work.

Du Bois’s grammar of intellectual engagement taught me that survival was not enough—institutions must also nurture minds capable of deep thought, critical reflection, and moral courage even with the advent of (A.I. Artificial Intelligence).

This synthesis—discipline and dignity, questioning and thought, words and work (integrity)—is what I call Christian pragmatism. It does not pit faith against reason or action against reflection but integrates them in service.

Isaiah’s vision of rebuilding and restoring reminds us that God’s people are called not only to mend walls but also to renew minds. In Washington’s bricks and Du Bois’s questions, I see a Christian pragmatism that calls Christians to both. One repaired the waste places through labor; the other renewed the life of a people through thought. Without respect to one’s vocation, “[Paul] planted, Apollos watered; but God gave the increase. (1 Corinthians 3:6)”

My hope for Christians today (African American and White alike, even hearkening back to the formation of the American Republic and the founding of the Republican-Democratic parties through the divergent and polemic views of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson) is that they will embrace this dual inheritance. To labor faithfully like Washington and to think seriously like Du Bois is to embody a Christian pragmatism that strengthens institutions, nurtures communities, and prepares people to flourish.

That, I believe, is the work of Christian Pragmatism (or whatever one chooses to name it for one’s own faith tradition) for all believers and non believers alike demonstrating itself in both words and works in this time.

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The Dinner between Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois

“[To William Edward Burghardt Du Bois] Mr. Booker T. Washington will be pleased to have you take dinner with him at his home, “The Oaks,” at 6:30 o’clock this evening.” – Booker T. Washington, Tuskegee, July 6, 1903

Presidential Commentary by Dr. Brian Johnson

There are a handful of historic dinner-time conversations that the writer of this commentary would ever wish to be transported back in time to listen in upon. And this one between the eminent and distinguished founding principal and president of Tuskegee (Institute) University, Booker T. Washington, and the eminent and distinguished, William Edward Burghardt Du Bois ranks near the very top.

For in 1903, these two men were, arguably, at the very zenith of their spiritual (heart), intellectual (head) and physical (hands) strength. W.E.B. DuBois would have published his signal work, The Souls of Black Folk in this same year, 1903, and Booker T. Washington would only be two years removed from publishing Up From Slavery in 1901. In a little-known, yet most noteworthy moment in the history of both American and African American literary history, they jointly published the book, The Negro In the South (1907) containing 2 essays from himself and 2 other essays from none other than this W.E.B. Du Bois who apparently was teaching a summer course in Tuskegee in 1903. (And this was not their first co-publication. This would be the second book containing these two stalwarts in American and African American educational and intellectual history.)

All the same, one can only imagine the earnestness, frankness and thoughtfulness of their discourse on that evening. (“Depth” and “breadth” is the greatest 5 and 7-letter word combination, and this conversation would have certainly fit this description-completely opposite of a conversation that is flat, flippant and frivolous.) One would be deeply mistaken to assume their ideological differences were so deep-seated that these two men could not come together for dinner and discussion.

One would hardly ever invite someone to dinner who he or she disdains and distrusts. One would not invite them into the confines of one’s home, particularly into one as auspicious as “The Oaks,” and amongst one’s family. These men likely expressed their differences with one another, but they assuredly did so honorably and respectfully in the presence of each other. In the end, one might never learn what the conversation was about.

Yet, the singular invitation to invite one who has commonly been regarded as his chief adversary-possessing equal ability, stature and renown-speaks to the magnanimity of Tuskegee’s Booker T. Washington, who demonstrated one of his oft-quoted maxims: “I let no man drag me down so low as to make me hate him.”

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