Tag Archives: African American

‘What might have been’: Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois and George Washington Carver (1896)

“Dear Mr Washington: I have been for some time seeking a leisure hour in which to answer your kind letter of the 17th January [1896]—but leisure hours are scarce here. I feel I should like the work at Tuskegee if I could be of service to you…At present I do not know just how I could be of service. I teach most primary and secondary branches-preferring of course, History, Economics, Social Problems, &c….In any case I am willing and eager to entertain any proposition for giving my services to your school.”-William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, “Wednesday, April 1, 1896, (Wilberforce, Ohio)”

“My dear Mr. Washington: Yours of 4-1 just received, and after a careful consideration of its contents, I now venture a reply. It is certainly very kind of you to take the interest you have in me…So if you are prepared to make me an offer now it shall receive my first consideration.”-George Washington Carver, “April 12, 1896, (Ames, Iowa)”

In the spring of 1896, Booker T. Washington was in the midst of recruiting not one but two luminaries to Tuskegee Institute: W.E.B. Du Bois and George Washington Carver. (Here one has to pause and imagine what might have been had Washington secured at Tuskegee the services of two of the most distinguished scholars—preeminent even—in their respective fields in all of American and African American educational and intellectual history.)

Arguably, a Copernican Revolution in higher education indeed would have been had at Tuskegee to have had the most successful university president, agricultural scientist and social scientist of the late 19th and early 20th century—each of these designations are still far too limiting considering their widespread accomplishments—serving contemporaneously in Tuskegee, Alabama. Despite his eventual deep-seated disagreements with Du Bois—and even his many disagreements with Carver, which are recorded in their many letters to one another, note the following: Booker T. Washington was not threatened or intimidated to recruit talent that would rival his own.

All the same, the aforementioned letters from Du Bois and Washington—Du Bois writing from Wilberforce while still serving as an instructor there and Carver writing from Iowa Agriculture College where he would be soon finishing his master’s degree in scientific agriculture—demonstrated their profound admiration and respect for Washington also.

Carver would choose to go to Tuskegee having already been in negotiations with several institutions including Alcorn A &M located in Mississippi. And Du Bois sent several communications to Washington to discuss the prospect of joining him at Tuskegee eventually teaching, presumably, during the summer of 1903. While one might well imagine what this trifecta could have been, it is safe to suggest that each made indelible marks on their respective institutions (Tuskegee and Atlanta Universities) that reverberated throughout the world.

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‘…keeps many of our people stirred up’ Booker T. Washington to President Theodore Roosevelt (January 5, 1902)

“My dear Mr. President [Theodore Roosevelt]: If you have in mind the sending in of a special message bearing upon the lynching of Italians in Mississippi, I am wondering if you could not think it proper to enlarge a little on the general subject of lynching; I think it would do good. I think you could with perfect safety, give the Southern States praise, especially the Governors and the daily press, for assisting in reducing the number of lynchings. The subject is a very important and far reaching one and keeps many of our people constantly stirred up […].” – Booker T. Washington, “To Theodore Roosevelt, January 5, 1902”

Leo Tolstoy offers the following expression concerning men and women who live according to their conscience, as opposed to the dictates of popular sentiment: “He who lives not for the sake of his conscience, but for the sake of others’ praise, lives badly.” Although Booker T. Washington, founding principal and president of Tuskegee (Institute) University, might have expressed his views more diplomatically than most men and women of his era who were not situated at the helm of a major institution, he possessed his own methods to express his views nevertheless.

And the communication to U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt suggests a great deal about how this institutional president operated in matters of national importance. First, he need not make a public announcement of his views. Booker T. Washington had direct access to the President of the United States. An advisor to President Roosevelt on a number of political matters, his letters reveal an ongoing stream of communication that suggests that his advice and opinion mattered to the President and would be weighed carefully.

Second, he used the opportunity of President Roosevelt’s apparent willingness to discuss “the lynchings of Italians in Mississippi” to suggest that he broaden his discussion to encompass to one of his primary constituencies and concerns during the period-the lynching of African Americans. Finally, he alluded to the importance of the President addressing the subject: It was for the benefit of all Americans.

He fittingly ascribed his concern to the well being of the country similar to Lyman Beecher Stowe’s sentiment when he penned the following: “Here in America, we are all, in the end, going up or down together.” Here again, the man Booker T. Washington might not have done what many desired him to do and in the precise manner they would have liked for him to do but he did do what he thought was right to do.

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‘I am engaged in a Mission work…’: Mary McLeod Bethune to Booker T. Washington (1902)

“Honored Sir: I hope a note of this kind may not greatly surprise you, as a man in your sphere must expect such. I am engaged in a Mission work in this town and I greatly desire your interest in it. It is an Interdenominational work therefore has no support. It is a work that is most sadly needed to be done, and it takes great sacrifices to get it in shape. I have rented a room where I gather the poor and neglected children and teach them daily. Aside from this I do general city mission work, the jail work included.

Now I would like to ask you, would you recommend this humble work to some friend asking their assistance? Would you yourself make a donation toward helping us secure an organ for the Mission room? Do you know any friend who would even send a few clothing to be used for the poor? God has wonderfully blessed you and used you and I know He will be pleased to have you lend your influence towards the sustenance of this work. I trust you may consider well before answering. Very Respectfully, (Mrs.) Mary McLeod Bethune.”-“From Mary McLeod Bethune to Booker T. Washington,” Palatka, Florida, November 3, 1902

In this 1902 letter written to Booker T. Washington, Mrs. Mary McLeod Bethune, founder of the now Bethune Cookman University located in Dayton Beach Florida, petitions Mr. Washington for support for her work at her university. (Mr. Washington’s personal correspondence contains many similar requests for support during his tenure when he not only served as principal and president of Tuskegee Institute but also considered by many the leader of the national African American community. His closest rival perhaps being W.E.B. Du Bois before his passing in 1915.)

All the same, while many persons seeking Washington’s assistance—including presidents—were very much concerned with obtaining funds to support their institution or programs in a variety of ways, here is a rare request made by a fellow principal and president to Mr. Washington that sought support for the ‘missional’ work of the institution beyond the institutional community.

Consistent with the founding of Daytona Normal and Industrial Institute for Girls in 1904 and most institutions of the period—particularly HBCUs—Mrs. McLeod Bethune’s missional philosophy encompassed a tangible expression of its faith-based mission in “missional work,” “jail work,” and “teaching” to the “poor and neglected children.” Yet, equally consistent, such work had very little or no “support.” And Mrs. McLeod Bethune’s appeal to Booker T. Washington was made with the hopes that his efforts on behalf of other HBCUs and African American communities similar to the building of the Rosenwald schools throughout the rural South and the Carnegie buildings (libraries) built on several HBCU campuses might be extended to this “mission work.”

Mr. Washington had clearly supported Mrs. McLeod Bethune for he had paid the institution a visit and spoke to a gathering of Presbyterians in March 1912 to support her efforts. Beyond this, Mrs. McLeod Bethune roundly heralded that Tuskegee and Booker T. Washington was the model for the founding of her institution. All the same, there is no recorded response from Washington to this 1902 request and in a similar request made by Mrs. McLeod Bethune made in 1915–the last year of Mr. Washington’s life—he acknowledged not being able to grant the request owing to the “many demands there are upon my personal purse.” In spite of this, we can plausible deduce from their relationship that Mrs. McLeod was certainly someone whose work Booker T. Washington shared a deep and lasting affinity towards in part because of its primary impetus upon reformation efforts directed within the African American community.

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‘Alma Mater means Nourishing Mother’: Booker T. Washington & R.W. Taylor

“Dear Taylor: This letter may be somewhat of a surprise to you, but I hope you can see your way clear to accede to our request. After deliberating for a good deal of time over the matter, we have determined to put some one of our graduates in the field in the North to collect money for the school; interest and instruct the people about our work, and we have settled on the conclusion that we can get no better person to represent us than yourself.” – Booker T. Washington, June 9th 1893

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“Dear Friend: your letter of recent date was the greatest surprise imaginable. I have thoroughly considered the offer made to me and have decided to off-set my ideas of going to school next term, so as to comply with your request. As you know Alma-Mater means nourishing Mother. From an intellectual stand-point I consider Tuskegee my mother-so I am perfectly willing to act in the capacity of a child.” – R.W.Taylor June 14th 1893

Aside from a University’s current students, there is no more important constituent group besides its students who graduate: ALUMNI. And this exchange between correspondence between Booker T. Washington, founding principal and president, and Robert Wesley Taylor at Tuskegee Institute (University) illustrates the strong ties, unity and affinity between the institution, the alumni and president. The President “deliberated for a good deal of time” when considering who among “the Sons and Daughters of Booker and Mother Tuskegee” would best represent the institution. Among the many shining arrows in their quiver, Robert Wesley Taylor was preeminent among the family’s best and brightest.

Although familial relations dictate equal filial love among siblings, when parents have a need it is not unusual for the strongest, most industrious, most diligent, most generous and most capable son or daughter to respond. This describes the character of Mr. Taylor. Hearkening to the true spirit of Alma Mater, he regarded the then Tuskegee Institute as his “intellectual nourishing mother.”

For Mother Tuskegee had nourished his nascent personal, intellectual, social and spiritual appetite with the milk of George Washington Carver among countless numbers of eminent professors, scholars and staff members. Mr. Taylor did not stop at child-like professions of love for his mother, or intrusive pressing into matters beyond his scope or constant complaint without corresponding work. He exhibited the attitude of a full-grown son who responded with a ready reply when he was “called” upon by his Alma Mater.

And “while children ought not to lay up for the parents, but the parents for the children,” a child does well when he or she has left home to help restore the nourishing ability of his or her mother so that mother is able to continue nurturing many, many more sons and daughters for many more years to come.

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Christianity, African American Intellectual History and Scholarship

A CRITICAL REFLECTION: CHRISTIANITY, AFRICAN AMERICAN INTELLECTUAL HISTORY AND  SCHOLARSHIP

 

No doubt the beggar’s joy was not true joy; but it was a great deal truer than the joy which I, with my ambition was seeking. And undoubtedly he was happy while I was worried; he was carefree while I was full of fears. And if I were asked which I would prefer, to be merry or to be frightened, I should reply “to be merry.” But if I were asked next whether I would prefer to be a man like the beggar or a man like I then was myself, I should chose to be myself, worn out as I was with my cares and my fears. Was not this absurd? Was there any good reason for making such a choice? For I had no right to put myself in front of the beggar on the grounds that I was more learned than he, since I got no joy out of my learning. Instead I used It to give pleasure to men – not teach them, only to please them.

-St. Augustine, The Confessions of Saint Augustine Book VI Ch. VII

 

Many of the most engaging and enriching conversations that I have ever participated in have taken place at No Grease Barber Shop. Damion Johnson and his twin brother Jermaine are the owners of this barbershop, and they have chosen a rather intriguing phrase as their slogan. Although it appears trite at first glance, the slogan reads, “This is no ordinary barber shop.” When one walks into their shop, you immediately notice that the ceiling is covered with red paint. This may seem curious enough, but when coupled with the knowledge that the shop’s activities include – hosting famous gospel singers like Darryl Coley, holding weekly bible study sessions on Monday nights, producing skits, hair/fashion shows, and poetry readings with reverential respect paid to the history of African American barbering and African American Christianity – one recognizes that the red paint is symbolic of their deep and abiding commitment to the blood of Jesus Christ.

In one of our conversations, Damion asked rather pointedly, “What do you guys do?” He was referring to African American intellectuals and scholars. After I articulated the activities that most African American scholars engage in, Damion replied, “Well, it ought to bear witness with somebody other than yourself.” This assessment of African American scholarly activity struck me as painfully correct. And even further, it led me into a rather sobering interrogation of my own pursuits as an aspiring African American scholar and intellectual. I realized that the activities of No Grease Barber Shop in a predominately African American community reflected a very real and deep-seated African American engagement that is a viable terrain for future intellectual consideration in African American scholarship. Further, if future African American scholars were to consider the activities of this powerful institutional dynamic without recognizing the Christian engagement of these barbers, then their scholarship will be lacking depth at best, and be disingenuous at worst.

Damion’s invocation of “bearing witness” speaks profoundly to the notion of agreement and solidarity with persons who concur with your aims and ambitions. This consideration led me to the ensuing conclusion about African American scholarship’s utility within the African American community. The impact of African American scholarship in the African American community suffers because of its failure to appropriate and legitimize the rich, successful and prevailing engagement of African Americans with Christianity. African American engagement with Christianity presents enormous opportunities for serviceable scholarship in the larger African American community; a community that speaks and understands a language that many African American intellectuals are deeply familiar with, but eschew entirely – the language of biblical Christianity.

 

SELECTED THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

 

Mark Noll’s (1994) The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind argues in relation to the larger European American evangelical tradition that the “scandal” of the evangelical community is the lack of attention paid to its rich intellectual heritage in the Protestant tradition. In explaining his sense of intellectual tradition, Noll writes, “By an evangelical ‘life of mind’ I mean more the effort to think like a Christian – to think within a specifically Christian framework – across the whole spectrum of modern learning, including economics and political science, literary criticism and imaginative writing, historical inquiry and philosophical studies, linguistics and the history of science, social theory and the arts…failure to exercise the mind for Christ in these areas has become acute in the twentieth century. That failure is the scandal of the evangelical mind.”[1] Noll’s definition has strong reverberations when contextualized within an African American intellectual tradition.

Historically, African American intellectuals and scholars have viewed the academic “scandal” facing African American intellectual and scholastic thought in terms of a “crisis.” Since Harold Cruse’s (1967) The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, African American intellectuals such as Nathan Hare, bell hooks, Cornel West, Hortense Spillers and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. have sought to respond directly or indirectly to Cruse’s despondency about African American intellectual culture. The most notable of these respondents is Cornel West. In prophetic fashion, West may be “the voice of one crying in the wilderness” preparing the way and making straight paths for re-vitalizing African American intellectual and scholarly life in the 21st century. To be sure, West’s intellectual positioning with regard to African American intellectual and scholarly life does not amount to overbearing advocacy or espousal of Christianity, but it does represent the kind of clearing of the land or demolition that is necessary before either erecting or re-constructing African American intellectual thought and scholarship. For West, the present state of African American intellectual and academic life is not a “crisis” but a “dilemma” – a quandary that has no solution amongst available alternatives.

In his essay, “The Dilemma of the Black Intellectual,” West outlines and discusses four distinct frameworks for literate African American intellectual activity that may be capitalized upon in future work. [2] What is most compelling about West’s essay is what he does not suggest. Prior to discussing these four models of historical African American intellectual production, West suggests “that there are two organic intellectual traditions in African American life: the black Christian tradition of preaching and the black musical tradition of performance…Both [oral] traditions are rooted in black life.”[3] And in concluding his essay, West remarks that the expansion of literate black intellectual activity:

…will occur more readily when black intellectuals take a more candid look at themselves, the historical and social forces that shape them, and the limited though significant resources of the community from whence they come. A critical “self-inventory” that scrutinizes the social positions, class locations and cultural socializations of black intellectuals is imperative… The future of the black intellectual lies neither in a deferential disposition toward the Western parent nor a nostalgic search for the African one. Rather it resides in a critical negation, wise preservation and insurgent transformation of this black lineage which protects the earth and projects a better world. [4]

Contained within the whole of West’s argument – which tries to project some hope against the plight surrounding present scholastic difficulties in African American scholarship – is a latent framework for merging successful oral African American intellectual history with its less successful descendants of the letter. What is the most likely point of convergence between the intensely sermonic African American oral tradition and the African American intellectual tradition? Where are the most “significant [historical] resources” that African American scholars may draw upon when studying the African American communal experience in America? What would a “self-inventory” of African American culture reveal about African American intellectual and literate life? What intellectual “lineage” can African American scholars hope to rely upon that has sufficient institutional and communal interplay to promote genuine intellectual exchange between persons within and beyond the academic academy? Finally, where might this “wise preservation” of a rich and complex intellectual tradition be found that is neither in the Western backdrop of the Guttenberg Press nor in the explicitly oral, dynamic and pluralistic African Diaspora?

 

CHRISTIANITY AND AFRICAN AMERICAN LITERARY HISTORY

African American literary scholarship should immerse itself into projects that ferret out distinctive Christian components. By revisiting an African American literary ancestry consisting of slave narratives, poetry, political/polemic/abolitionist tracts, novels, speeches, sermons, private journals, letter writing, newspapers and magazines, scholars might uncover the ways in which African American engagement with Christianity has created a vibrant and sustainable tradition of African American intellectual acumen. Such a task would perhaps resolve the “scandal,” “crisis” and “dilemma,” which all but ostracize African American scholars from the larger African American community and the predominantly European American academy alike. Such a task does not fail to recognize the very profound and traumatic impacts of America’s historical abuse of Christianity recorded by African American and European American writers alike. Racism in the European American community and patriarchal abuses in the African American community rightly should be taken into account when assessing a distinct African American intellectual tradition in relationship to its Christian underpinnings. Yet, this examination would not simply amount to Black liberationist theology either.

The sort of investigations that I am suggesting are tantamount to a recognition of a living and breathing historical Christianity, which has always and will ever remain a part of the African American community. In a universal life-cycle of births, weddings and deaths – including renunciations of the plausibility of Providence and the divinity of Jesus Christ – Christianity has always been a part of the air that African Americans live, move and breath within; and, as a result, it is virtually impossible to extract African American thought from its deeply imbued Christian framework. To borrow a proverbial phrase, “it’s like taking a fish out of water.”

George Marsden’s groundbreaking effort in The Outrageous Idea of Christian Scholarship – which argues for the acceptance of academically rigorous “faith-informed” perspectives in the academy – also provides an insightful, yet, perfunctory glance into the predicament of aspiring African American scholars who wish to pursue African American academic projects in relation to their Christian dimensions. Marsden writes:

African Americans, for example, are enthusiastically encouraged to enter the mainstream academy, but the condition typically has been that they do not bring the religious dimensions of their culture into intellectual life. Ever since African Americans began to be permitted to play a role in mainstream academic life, they were also sent the clear message that they must conform to the standards of the mainstream academy concerning religion. No matter how religious they might be, they were not encouraged to think about the implications of their religious beliefs for their intellectual life, unless they were studying in divinity schools. [5]

Marsden’s account is reason enough for aspiring African American scholars to resist Christian examinations as part of a distinct African American tradition. Far more disturbing, is that such sentiment is found in African American thought as well. Significant African American intellectual figures also have held hostile positions about Christianity’s influence upon African American nationhood. Richard Wright’s remarks in “Blueprint of Negro Writing,” are an example. Wright contends:

It was through the portals of the church that the American Negro first entered the shrine of western culture. Living under slave conditions of life, bereft of his African heritage, the Negroes’ struggle for the religion of the plantations between 1820-1860 assumed the form of a struggle for human rights. It remained a relatively revolutionary struggle until religion began to serve as an antidote for suffering and denial. But even today there are millions of American Negroes whose only sense of a whole universe, whose only relation to society and man, and whose only guide to personal dignity comes through the archaic morphology of Christian salvation.[6]

Even while granting Wright’s premises as fact the question still remains: How does an intellectual assumption that identifies African American engagement with Christianity as inadequate, illegitimate, embarrassing and intellectually unworthy enough to grapple with, reconcile the overwhelming evidence of African American intellectual reliance upon Christianity? The historical fact remains that the African experience in America, conventionally speaking, does begin in Jamestown. Jamestown and other similarly situated slave-trading posts, without question, mark the beginning of the African American experience. Certainly, one way of proceeding as an African American scholar is to retreat to a intellectual framework that suggests that to examine one’s history in light of the drudgery and demeaning nature of slavery is to produce uninspiring explorations of the earliest literary antecedents in the African American tradition.

On the other hand, one just as easily could consider American slavery as an intellectually viable pretext to ingenious African American intellectual activity. No ideological position in the African American community, and for that matter, in the European American community is ever free from the rubric of Christianity. It is the “oversoul” of all of Americana, ever serving as a referent or sounding board from Early American Puritanism to Contemporary American Postmodernism. Similar to E.O. Mathiesson’s suggestion that “one way to understand America’s intellectual history is through Puritan orthodoxy, Unitarianism and transcendentalism,”[7] if indeed African American literary scholarship serves a communal purpose by offering a variety of ways for students to theorize, understand and appropriate a intellectual and literary history, then it becomes increasingly problematic to fail to recognize Christianity as one of many justifiable scholarly approaches, methodologies and areas of investigation in African American scholarship.

 

CONCLUSION

 

Extensive scholarly investigations of African American literary figures such as – Booker T. Washington, Phyllis Wheatley, Jupiter Hammon, Zora Neale Hurston, Dr. Mary Mcleod Bethune Cookman, Frederick Douglass, Charles Chesnutt, William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, Williams Wells Brown, Maria W. Stewart, James Baldwin, Alice Walker, Toni Morrison, Nat Turner, David Walker, Frances Harper, participants in the American Negro Academy, Alexander Crummell, Jean Toomer, James Weldon Johnson, Amiri Baraka, Paul Laurence Dunbar, Harriet Wilson, Margaret Walker, Ernest Gaines, Absalom Jones, Richard Allen, Randall Kenan, Rudolph Fisher, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Nathan Hare, Jesse Jackson, George Washington Carver, Fannie Lou Hamer amongst many, many others – which flesh out the Christian contours of distinctly creative intellectual projects is crucial for potent scholarly connectivity with students and community members. Still further, perhaps in the face of high African American illiteracy rates, inadequate inner-city education, and woeful numbers of African American college professors, Christianity and African American scholarship answers the most pressing question in the 21st century American academy – How do we promote authentic, innovative and representative scholarship among African American professors that will genuinely invite African American students and community members to participate in shaping 21st century American thought at American universities?

You can contact Dr. Johnson at dr.brianjohnson73@gmail.com;

You can follow Dr. Johnson on twitter @DrBrianJohnson1

[1] Mark A. Noll, The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1994) 7.

[2] 1. The bourgeois Model: Black Intellectual as Humanist   2. The Marist Model: Black Intellectual as Revolutionary 3. The Foucaultian Model: Black Intellectual as Postmodern Skeptic  4. The Insurgency Model: Black Intellectual as Critical Organic Catalyst. See Cornel West, Keeping Faith (New York: Routledge, 1993) 74-84.

[3] West, 73.

[4] West, 83.

[5] Marsden, 36.

[6] Richard Wright, “Blueprint for Negro Writing,” The Norton Anthology of African American Literature, eds. Henry Louis Gates Jr. and Nellie Y. McKay (New York: W.W. Noton, 1997) 1382.

[7] E.O. Mathiesson, “Introduction,” American Renaissance (1941).

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